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The attack on the plane of the king of Morocco 1972 (part 5)

Aerial photo of Kenitra

The Moroccan army committed a failed coup on July 10, 1971 against the king in the palace of Skhirat. The following year Air Force officers commit a new coup, this time the plane of King Hassan II, on the return trip from France, was attacked in the air by fighter jets.

In the near future, the Amazigh Information Centum will publish more short articles on this historical event. We will do this by means of testimonies of persons who were present during this incident, such as the fighter pilot Salah Hachad or referencing books of critical authors such as Gilles Perrault, Stephen Smith or various newspaper articles.

 Port Lyautey / Kenitra, largest US army base

The United States built military bases, radar stations and other military facilities in Morocco during the Second World War and the Cold War. The US defense personnel were permanently present in Morocco. The naval and air force base Kenitra was built by France in 1933 during the French occupation. The area where the base is located was conquered by the US in 1942 from the French Vichy regime during Operation Torch.

Nearly 10,000 Americans were stationed at Kenitra Air Force Base in the 1950s, making Kenitra the largest US overseas base outside of Japan. It was a closed American town within Morocco with all necessary facilities.  Kenitra is located at a distance of 40 km from Rabat. After 1956, the Moroccan air force also used part of this air base where the Moroccan third air force base is housed (BAFRA 3). The American army left Kenitra’s army base in 1977.

Source: https://medium.com/@AmazighInformatieCentrum/de-aanslag-op-het-vliegtuig-van-de-koning-van-marokko-1972-deel-5-84acbe59549b

Translated by: Najat M.

The attack on the plane of the king of Morocco 1972 (part 4)

Aerial photo of Kenitra, dafina.net

The Moroccan army committed a failed coup on July 10, 1971 against the king in the palace of Skhirat. The following year Air Force officers conducted a new coup, this time the plane of King Hassan II, on the return trip from France, was attacked in the air by fighter jets.

In the near future, the Amazigh Information Centum will publish more short articles on this historical event. We will do this by means of testimonies of persons who were present during this incident, such as the fighter pilot Salah Hachad or referencing books of critical authors such as Gilles Perrault, Stephen Smith or various newspaper articles.

Riffian group of friends in Kenitra

Omar el Khattabi, screenshot documentary Abdel Krim: legend or freedom fighter? NPS 1999

In addition to Louafi Kouera, Lieutenant Colonel Amekrane also had a friend in Kenitra, the physician Omar el Khattabi (1926–2006) nephew of the Riffian resistance hero Mohamed ben Abdelkrim el Khattabi (1882–1962). He had a clinic in Kenitra and got to know Amekrane in 1969. Amekrane and Kouera regularly visited him. Omar el Khattabi visited his friend Amekrane on the military base of Kenitra. In this city they were called the “Riffian group”, referring to the area where they all came from. After the unsuccessful coup of 1972, the friendship of Omar el Khattabi with Lt. Col. Amekrane will have very serious consequences for the Riffian doctor.

Lieutenant Colonel Amekrane, Getty Images

General Oufkir asked King Hassan II to promote Lt. Col. Amekrane as deputy commander of the Moroccan Air Force, commanded by Col. Hassan Lyoussi. Two months before the coup attempt took place, Lt. Col. Amekrane was promoted to deputy commander of the Moroccan Air Force. Major Kouera succeeded him as commander of the Kenitra airbase and Captain Salah Hachad became the deputy commander of the airbase.

Major El Ouafi Kouira


Translated by: Najat M.

The attack on the plane of the King of Morocco 1972 (part 3)

General Mohamed Oufkir and king Hassan II, Getty Images, Inc.

On 10 July 1971, the Moroccan army carried out a failed coup against the king in the palace of Skhirat. The following year air officers made a new coup, this time the plane of King Hassan II, on the return from France, was attacked in the air by jet fighters. 

In the near future, the Amazigh Informatie Centum will reconstruct this historical event by publishing short articles. We will do this by means of testimonies of persons who were present during this incident, such as the fighter pilot Salah Hachad, published books by critical authors such as Gilles Perrault, Stephen Smith and various newspaper articles. 

Amekrane is ordered to attack Hassan II

Lieutenant Colonel Mohamed Amekrane, screenshot video INA (l’Institut National de l’Audiovisue, France)

Oufkir’s plans that included Amekran are beginning to become clear, he meets with the Lt. colonel outside Kenitra airbase to reveal the king’s depravity, the immoral behavior of his family and immediate surroundings, the abuse of inside information, corruption, the bribes.

General Oufkir announces his plan: he wants to put an end to the regime of King Hassan II and that he has chosen Amekrane to carry out his plan. Oufkir went into details and asked Amekrane to shoot Hassan II out of the sky with an F-5 fighter jet.

The general who set up the Moroccan security forces also had a lot of power within the army, many army officers were loyal to him. He had the power and authority to deploy the army, he could deploy a large part of the armed forces against Hassan II. Apparently the general does not want to involve many people in his coup attempt so that if things go wrong he can easily distance himself and eliminate the executor (s).

Amekrane faced a major dilemma. Oufkir who has the reputation of being the butcher of the regime and can have Amekrane liquidated at any time, even if the attack on the king succeeded. There is a real chance that General Oufkir has his accomplices killed to permanently erase all evidence leading to his involvement.

Lt. Col. Amekrane was treated for his kidney disease and admitted to hospital, so he was not fully deployable as a pilot.  At the Kenitra Air Force base, the Moroccan pilots did not have any missiles at their disposal.  In an attack with an F-5 on the plane of the king, Amekrane is dependent on the machine gun fire of the two 20mm M39 guns in the nose of the plane, in the magazine of every gun can be 280 bullets.

M39 guns of F-5, screenshot documentary Northrop F-5 Freedom Fighter 

As an experienced fighter pilot, Amekrane is aware of the fact that shooting with a jet fighter on a flying high-speed passenger aircraft required a great deal of expertise.

Why General Oufkir lt. Colonel Amekrane asked for an attack on the king’s plane on his own is not entirely clear. To increase the chance of the attack succeeding, Amekrane asked Oufkir’s permission to involve another person in the conspiracy, namely his friend Major Louafi Kouera. The general gave his approval and the countdown to the putsch against the king of Morocco could begin.

Source: https://medium.com/@AmazighInformatieCentrum/de-aanslag-op-het-vliegtuig-van-de-koning-van-marokko-1972-deel-3-42d1ccb98f99

Translated by: Najat M.

The attack on the aircraft of the King of Morocco 1972 (part 2) 

Left to right: Mohamed Oufkir, Mohamed Meziane, Kettani Benhamou, Driss Ben Omar, Forum FAR Maroc 

On 10 July 1971, the Moroccan army carried out a failed coup against the king in the palace of Skhirat. The following year air officers made a new coup, this time the plane of King Hassan II, on the return from France, was attacked in the air by jet fighters. 

Logo of Amazigh Informatie Centrum

In the near future, the Amazigh Informatie Centum will reconstruct this historical event by publishing short articles. We will do this by means of testimonies of persons who were present during this incident, such as the fighter pilot Salah Hachad, published books by critical authors such as Gilles Perrault, Stephen Smith and various newspaper articles. 

Oufkir paid a visit to the Kenitra airbase

Oufkir and Amekrane, Kenitra Air Base 1972

After becoming Minister of Defence, Oufkir often visited the Kenitra airbase. The Minister of Defence interviewed the airbase personnel and asked them about their situation and wishes. One of the soldiers at this airbase, Midaoui El Yazid, told him his story. He announces to the general that he has been a long-time junior non-commissioned officer, and if he is not promoted to the rank of non-commissioned officer he will remain a junior non-commissioned officer all his life. Oufkir replied: “Tomorrow you will be promoted”. The next day the papers from Rabat came to Kenitra for the promotion of Miadoui. 

From left to right Salah Hachad, Brahim Aguizoul, Mohamed Amekrane, Mohamed Oufkir, Abdellah Bamaarouf. Kenitra 1972 

Oufkir was working to gain Amekrane’s trust. The general was invited by Amekrane to Kenitra to open a new mess for non-commissioned officers at Kenitra airbase. When the colonel asked the general what he wanted to call the new NCO mess, Oufkir replied: “We’re going to call him Amekrane”.

Source: https://medium.com/@AmazighInformatieCentrum/de-aanslag-op-het-vliegtuig-van-de-koning-van-marokko-1972-deel-2-d90edd507691

Translated by: Najat M.

The attack on the plane of the King of Morocco in 1972 (Part 1)

Aircraft of Hassan II with identification code: CN-CCG 

On 10 July 1971, the Moroccan army carried out a failed coup against the king in the palace of Skhirat. The following year air officers carried out a new coup, this time the plane of King Hassan II, on the return from France, was attacked in the air by jet fighters.

In the near future, the Amazigh Informatie Centum will publish more short articles on this historical event. We will do this by means of testimonies of persons who were present during this incident, such as the fighter pilot Salah Hachad or referencing books of critical authors such as Gilles Perrault, Stephen Smith or various newspaper articles.

General Oufkir returns to the army

Mohamed Oufkir, 1966, International © Magazine Service 

Immediately after the failed coup of Skhirat in 1971, King Hassan II formed a new government, the 12th government also known as the government of Prime Minister Mohamed Karim Lamrani. General Mohamed Oufkir, Minister of the Interior since 1964, was appointed Minister of Defence in the new government and also became the Chief of Staff and Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army. The general received many powers from the king to investigate the failed coup of Skhirat and to take countermeasures. 

Mohamed Amekrane, Kenitra 1972

Immediately after the failed Skhirat coup, the commander of Kenitra Air Base, Lieutenant-Colonel Mohamed Amekrane, was called upon to report to the Army headquarters in Rabat. Amekrane was personally questioned by Oufkir, who accused him of involvement in Skhirat’s failed coup d’état, but he releases him home to make him feel that Amekrane owes his freedom to General Oufkir. 

Lt. Colonel Amekrane was on the King’s guest list when he celebrated his birthday on Saturday 10th of July 1972 in Skhirat Palace. The Lieutenant Colonel fled the palace after it was stormed by rebellious cadets from the military school of Ahermoumou. Amekrane returned to Kenitra, 50 kilometers north of Rabat.

Source: https://medium.com/@AmazighInformatieCentrum/de-aanslag-op-het-vliegtuig-van-de-koning-van-marokko-1972-455be8263528

Translated by: Najat M.

Riffian political prisoners including Nasser Zefzafi renounce the Moroccan citizenship

The leader of the Riffian movement and political prisoner Nasser Zefzafi in during a demonstration in Al Houceima; RIF 2019

A number of detainees of “RIF movement” including Nasser Zafzafi, Nabil Ahmjik, Zakaria Adahchour, Samir Ighid, Mohamed Haki and Wassim El Boustati decided to withdraw loyalty from King Mohamed VI & relinquish Moroccan citizenship as a political reaction to the escalation of state, especially human rights officials, who are demanding more pressure on prisoners.

The Riffian also say that from now on they will hold the Moroccan state responsible for any physical or mental damage that the activists will suffer. They also ask the international community and authorities to monitor their case and situation.

Below the translation of the complete communication of the political Detainees:

We, the signatories of the Riffian People’s Movement ( Hirak) are political prisoners in the Moroccan prisons against which retaliatory judgments have been handed down because of our beliefs, political views and the principles of the Riffian People’s Movement, which are critical to the current political climate in Morocco.
After maintaining our calm and tranquility since our arrest, we can only conclude that a reckless political decision has been made as an official response to the Riffian protests, the People’s Movement and its political prisoners.
This choice is a continuation of a policy based on physical and psychological repression, siege and intimidation as well as political arrests and murder. After our trial at first instance, we are only more convinced that the state uses the judiciary as a supplement to the security services and thus implements its plans and strategies.
As a result, we fully boycotted the appeal process so that we did not become part of a sham trial that served to justify the repression of the state, the Rif, the People’s Movement, and its political prisoners, with the help of the judicial authorities. power. This also fits in with the policy of the Moroccan state whereby the flight ahead is chosen and ruled with the iron fist and domination as a strategic option instead of realizing reason and common sense and acknowledging the failure of government policy, to prevent mistakes by first listening to the voice of our people and their legitimate demands, expressed in the different sets of demands spread over the entire Rif.

Repression was chosen instead of the launch of an actual transition phase based on linking responsibility to accountability, prosecuting corrupt officials and a public apology to the Rif and the Riffians. Instead, the Moroccan state opted for power and oppression by demonizing our people’s movement and using the public media to mislead public opinion. This media spread untruths and lies about the people’s movement, its goals and its message. After that, mosques were used and the religion map used in the political struggle with the aim of mobilizing the masses against our movement. All of this instead of engaging in dialogue, which we have called for from the beginning of the popular movement.

If this was not enough, events were fabricated and initiated to put the people’s movement in trouble in an attempt to stick the violence label on it, such as the events on March 26, 2017 in Imzouren and May 5, 2017 in Boukidaan. The situation even escalated in such a way that they wanted to proceed with direct liquidations, as was the case in Nador. They then accused and charged the activists with damaging their image and losing the credibility and legitimacy enjoyed by public opinion.

The Moroccan state plays a game continued unabated, unyielding and stubborn to the point where the security forces were mobilized against the people. Later they also issued a statement from the majority parties accusing the Riffians of separatism which is a blatant violation of the role that a government has as an institution. This was followed by the accusation that the Riffians were in possession of rebellious genes. An accusation made by the Public Prosecution Service after our arrests by the Moroccan state. Proof of the absence of a State with working institutions, the image with which Morocco appears on the world stage.

This is in addition to the violence and repression of unarmed Riffians, the detention of minors and women and the persecution of thousands of people for their outspoken views. This response is therefore considered an outright violation and contrary to the provisions of international treaties and treaties signed by the Moroccan state. The most sacred right, namely the right to live guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is also being violated in which the murder of the martyrs Mohsin Fikri and Imad Al Atabi and Abdelhafid El Haddad as well as the martyrs of 20 February 2011 in Al Hoceima, as an example and the whole issue of which they want to cover up.

The method of forced submission that the Moroccan authorities use against us, starting with falsifying the interrogations and the physical and mental torture as an instrument to punish us. The latter was recognized by an earlier report from the National Council for Human Rights. But that report was covered up by the authorities to mask her political crime since that report is proof of the torture we were undergoing.

Opposite directing and controlling the judiciary to condemn us and getting rid of the evidence that proves our complete innocence. On the other hand, the principle of neutrality and the innocence of the suspect was undermined by completely copying the story of the police.

  • Against the constant intimidation against us within the Moroccan prisons by spreading and provoking us in all forms that harm human dignity.
    Faced with harassing our families by mentally intimidation, keeping an eye on them and depriving them of a constitutional right to organize themselves in a civilian framework to follow our file.
  • Against the constant siege of the Rif by the security apparatus as a result of the military decree. And because the Moroccan state is determined to maintain its traditional and authoritarian structure and to ignore the sounds that call for an end to it and make the transition to a modern and civilian state.
  • Against the absence of a real social contract that recognizes the sanctity of the law and which puts into practice the rights and duties of the people and the ruler, in whose name the unjust judgments were pronounced against us.
  • And against the termination of all our rights as full citizens, as well as the deprivation of our freedom. Because our rights have been deprived by violence in a systematic way and because we are treated as prisoners of war and not as citizens, we explain national and international public opinion as follows:

1: We, in our full mental and physical powers, are determined and have decided to renounce the Moroccan nationality, as well as the abandonment of the “pledge of allegiance” (Albay’a) via the publication of this communication .

2: From now on we hold the Moroccan state directly responsible for any mental or physical damage that affects us.

3: From now on we hold the international community and its bodies responsible for monitoring our file.

We point out that the content of this communication stems from a strong conviction and is an inevitable consequence of our case and our situation, which is a continuity of the Moroccan State’s historic policy against the Rif, which is based on exclusion, oppression, contempt and all forms of political, cultural, social, economic and psychological oppression. The words of Mohamed Sellam Amezian “we and they are directly opposite each other!” Accurately describe this relationship. Because we wanted life and they wanted evil for us, we wanted a homeland for everyone and they wanted a farm just for themselves, in which they despise the people and abuse their riches. We cry for the homeland and sacrifice our most beautiful years and are willing to give our whole lives for it, but we are not willing to carry a document from a state that wants to bury a people, a homeland and a dream of dignity and freedom .

The signatories:

Name: Nasser Zafzafi
Nabil Ahamjik
Zakaria Adahchour
Samir Ighid
Mohamed Haki
Wassim El Boustati

Ras El Maa prison,
Date: August 23, 2019

University top 1000

Succes or failure starts at the beginning

Since 2003 there is an annual academic ranking of the top 1000 universities around the world. The ranking of 2019 has been published and shows a hard reality!

Not 1 Moroccan university made it to the top 1000. Meanwhile, the sons of the elite all go abroad for their education. France a country that is the most favorit among the Moroccan elite has 79 universities in the top 1000.

Of the 20 African universities that made it to the top 1000, 12 are South African, 6 are Egyptian, 1 is Nigerian and 1 is Tunesian.

Source: http://www.shanghairanking.com/ARWU-Statistics-2019.html

Moroccan ‘health care’

According to numbeo Morocco ranked last out of 89 countries when it comes to the health care Index.

Moroccan health care is widely known for its disastrous condition.

On a daily basis people die by lack of medical care. There is a lack of medical staff, hygiene, equipment, knowledge, funds, managment and transparency.

Most medical doctors have a ‘second job’ in private clinics, mostly owned by themselves.

Members of the government all travel to France when they need medical care. The Moroccan king Mohamed the 6th, his friends Ali El Himma and Aziz Akhannouch are known for visiting the same clinic in Paris France for medical treatment, since the local hospitals don’t even provide basic care.

Numbeo is a collaborative online database which enables users to share and compare information about the cost of living, crime rates, pollution, traffic and health care between countries and cities

Numbeo is mentioned or used as a source in many major newspapers around the world, including Forbes, Business Insider, Time, The Economist, BBC, The New York Times, China Daily, The Telegraph.

Mohamed VI. stellt sein 88M-Segelboot zur Schau, während die marokkanische Jugend massenhaft nach Europa flieht!

König Mohamed VI, präsentiert sich als Führer der Gläubigen.

König Mohamed VI. Und seine Familie zeigen maritimen Luxus, während die marokkanische illegale Auswanderung auf dem Seeweg nach Spanien explodiert!

Rund hundert Gäste waren am Sonntag an Bord der Badis 1, dem neuen Schiff von König Mohamed VI., dass vor der königlichen Residenz von Rincon an der Nordküste Marokkos ankert. Der Herrscher hatte die wohlhabenden Familien von Casablanca und Rabat zur Einweihung dieses 70 Meter langen Segelbootes, eines der zehn größten der Welt, eingeladen. Sie mussten barfuß gehen, damit die schwarzen Sohlen ihrer Schuhe nicht die Decke verschmutzen.

Diese wohlhabenden Gäste mussten zweimal nach Rincon – wie die Marokkaner M’diq nennen (in der Nähe von Tetouan) kommen. Sie sind für die Zeremonie am Samstag in ihren besten Kleidern erschienen, mussten aber wieder ohne Erklärung von Deck. Sie kehrten am nächsten Tag dann zurück und diesmal war auch der König dort, um sie zu empfangen, begleitet von seinen treuen Freunden, den Azaitar-Brüdern, drei deutschen Boxern marokkanischer Herkunft, mit denen er die meiste Zeit verbringt.

Das Segelboot Badis 1 des Königs von Marokko, Mohamed VI.

Dieses moderne Segelboot, trägt den marokkanischen Namen für Penon de Velez de la Gomera, dass unter spanischer Hoheit steht. Ein Geschenk an sich selbst, das Mohamed VI. sich anlässlich des 20-jährigen Jubiläums seiner Inthronisierung gemacht hat. Er fügt diese Luxusyacht seiner anderen 62 Meter langen Luxusyacht mit dem Namen El Boughaz 1, hinzu, die er seit 17 Jahren besitzt. Wie viel hat er wohl dafür bezahlt?

Casablancas Wochenzeitung Tel Quel” erfuhr, dass der ehemalige Besitzer, der amerikanische Milliardär Bill Duker, es für 88 Millionen Dollar zum Verkauf angeboten hat. Der Preis der Transaktion wurde nicht bestätigt, da der Königspalast, wie üblich, die Angelegenheit nicht kommentiert hat.

Mohamed VI. gibt alles, um zu beweisen, dass er immer noch das Ruder in Marokko fest im Griff hat.

Während Mohamed VI. seine Gäste an Bord begrüßte, waren nach Angaben der griechischen Presse sein Sohn, der 16-jährige Prinz Moulay Hassan, seine Tochter Lalla Khadija, 12, und seine Ex-Frau, Prinzessin Lalla Salma, ebenfalls im Urlaub am anderen Ende des Mittelmeers. Sie segelten am 7. Juli von der Insel Skiatos an Bord der “Serenity”, einer Yacht, mit der sie eine zehntägige Kreuzfahrt in der Ägäis unternahmen. Die Miete dieses luxuriösen Schiffes kostet zwischen 550.000 und 600.000 Euro pro Woche, ein Betrag, der von der griechischen Presse veröffentlicht und von einigen marokkanischen Medien bestätigt wird.

Während der König luxuriöse Kreuzfahrten unternimmt, steigt die Auswanderung der Marokkaner explosionsartig


Diese zur Schaustellung von maritimen Luxus fiel mit der Veröffentlichung von Statistiken über den Anstieg der illegalen marokkanischen Auswanderung auf dem Seeweg nach Spanien zusammen. Im Jahr 2018 gab es etwas weniger als 22% und damit 57.498 Marokkanische Harragas – wie die Undokumentierten im Maghreb genannt werden, die an Bord von 2.109 Schiffen die spanischen Küsten erreichten. Obwohl die Gesamtzahl der irregulären Einwanderer in der ersten Jahreshälfte 2019 um 27% zurückging, stieg der Anteil der Marokkaner auf 29,9%. Im Mai wurde sogar ein Rekord von 48,08% erreicht.

Diese Zahlen werden nicht auf der Website des spanischen Innenministeriums erhoben, das sich weigert, eine Aufschlüsselung der Ankünfte nach Nationalitäten vorzunehmen, um nach Quellen in dieser Abteilung die Behörden von Rabat nicht über der Migrationsepidemie, zu verärgern. Das Innenministerium übermittelt die von ihm gesammelten Daten an internationale Einrichtungen wie Frontex, die Europäische Grenzschutzagentur, die sie wiederum an die Europäische Kommission weiterleitet.

Diese Statistiken, die in einem Bericht des Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienstes (EAD) vom 9. Juli gesammelt wurden, berücksichtigen nur einen Teil des marokkanischen Migrationsphänomens. Wenn subsaharische Einwanderer an andalusischen Stränden Fuß fassen, lassen sie sich inhaftieren, weil sie wissen, dass sie nach einer Haftzeit von höchstens zwei Monaten wahrscheinlich nicht ausgewiesen werden. Andererseits wurden 36% der marokkanischen Harragas und 32% der bei der Ankunft verhafteten Algerier im Jahr 2018 zurückgeführt. Wenn sie von Bord gehen, versuchen sie daher, den Sicherheitskräften auszuweichen. Wie viele schaffen es? Es gibt aber keine Schätzung zu den Migranten, die undokumentiert sich in Europa aufhalten.

Zu allen kommen diejenigen hinzu, die die Grenzen Spaniens legal überschreiten, aber nach Ablauf ihres Arbeitsvertrags im Land bleiben. Das markanteste Beispiel ist das der 15.000 marokkanischen Saisonarbeiter, die 2017 für das Pflücken von Erdbeeren in Huelva eingestellt wurden. Siebzehn Prozent sind laut einer im Oktober letzten Jahres veröffentlichten EFE-Untersuchung nicht zurückgekehrt, obwohl die Rückkehr eine Voraussetzung für ihre Arbeitserlaubnis ist, einen Teil des ihnen entzogenen Gehalt wird bis zur Abreise zurückgehalten.

Spanien ist das wichtigste Tor für Marokkaner zu Europa, aber es ist nicht das einzige. “Marokkanische Auswanderer, die in Libyen ankommen, bestätigen, dass die Flugroute von Marokko nach Algerien und dann die noch aktive Landroute nach Libyen genommen haben”, so der Bericht des Europäischen EAD.

Immer mehr Marokkaner wollen ihr Land hinter sich lassen. Das Ende Juni von der BBC veröffentlichte Barometer der arabischen Welt zeigte, dass 44% auswandern wollen – 17% mehr als vor drei Jahren – aber dieser Prozentsatz erreicht sogar 70% bei Jugendlichen unter 30 Jahren. Darüber hinaus sehnt sich fast die Hälfte der Marokkaner nach einem schnellen politischen Wandel in ihrem Land, laut vom britischen Kanal befragten arabischen Länder (Algerien erlaubte es der BBC nicht, ihre öffentliche Meinung zu befragen).

Die marokkanischen Behörden versuchen, insbesondere seit Februar die Auswanderung von Subsaharier nach Europa zu stoppen. Aber sie zeigen nicht die gleiche Entschlossenheit, ihre eigenen Bürger zu stoppen. Die von Interior verarbeiteten Daten zeigen es, aber auch die Zeugnisse einiger “Harragas”, insbesondere Rifis, die der Polizei sagen, wie einfach es für sie war, nach Spanien zu gelangen. “Die Türen wurden für uns weit geöffnet“, bestätigt ein junger Mann, der gerade aus einem Internierungslager für Ausländer gekommen ist und es vorzieht, anonym zu bleiben, weil er die Rückkehr fürchtet.

Die marokkanischen Behörden erleichtern die Auswanderung ihrer Staatsangehörigen nach Spanien: “Sie haben uns die Türen geöffnet”.

“Wird der nächste arabische Aufstand in Marokko stattfinden, nach Sudan und Algerien”, fragte die BBC bei der Analyse der Ergebnisse des marokkanischen Kapitels ihrer Umfrage. Die Frage gewinnt nach der luxuriösen maritimen Zurschaustellung in Rincon und der Ägäis an Bedeutung, während andere Marokkaner das gleiche Meer in zerbrechlichen Booten überqueren. Etwas mehr als 200 Einwanderer, meist südlich der Sahara, aber auch eine Handvoll Marokkaner, sind in diesem Jahr auf dem Weg nach Spanien ertrunken, so Frontex und die Internationale Organisation für Migration.

Die marokkanische Presse ist diskret, wenn es um die Darstellung der königlichen Familie geht, und die audiovisuellen Medien erwähnen es nicht einmal. Digitale Zeitungen befassen sich kaum mit dem Phänomen der Migration. Die sozialen Netzwerke hingegen sind voll davon. Skandalisierte Kommentare gibt es viele, manchmal mit Beleidigungen übersät, während die vorsichtigsten dem Vergleich des geschätzten Preises des Segelbootes mit einigen Posten in den Budgets für Gesundheit und öffentliche Bildung in Marokko gewidmet sind.

Das Bild der Monarchie ist wieder so beschädigt wie vor Jahren durch die langen Auslandsaufenthalte des Königs – er verbrachte fast ein halbes Jahr im Ausland – oder durch die Uhr des Königs im Wert von mehr als 1,0 Millionen Euro, die er letzten Sommer am Handgelenk trug: Reicht es aus, wenn Marokko dem Muster des Sudans oder Algeriens folgt, wie es die BBC vorausgesagt hat? Sicher ist nur, dass eine große Zahl von Marokkanern genau verfolgen, was im benachbarten Algerien geschieht, das seit Februar eine friedliche Revolution gestartet hat.

Was die spanischen Behörden betrifft, so seufzen sie, dass Mohamed VI. eine lange Segel Saison mit der ‘Badis 1’ gestartet hat – am Mittwochabend ging er in der Bucht von Al Hoceima vor Anker. Denn die Königlich Marokkanische Marine und Gendarmerie erhöhen ihre Wachsamkeit, um sicherzustellen, dass die Reise des Königs sicher verläuft und gleichzeitig könnte sich dadurch die Auswanderung verringern. Die ersten zwei Wochen im August 2018 verbrachte der Alaouitenmonarch auf der Yacht Al Lusail”, die ihm vom Emir von Katar geliehen wurde, an der Nordküste seines Landes. Bis dahin war die Einwanderung nach Spanien einer Aufwärtskurve gefolgt, aber gerade in diesem Monat gab es eine kurze Unterbrechung. Im September kamen die Harragas wieder massiv über den Seeweg.


Marokkanischer Beamter der Botschaft in Brüssel wegen sexueller Belästigung angeklagt

Naima Zairaa/DHNET

Die marokkanische Zeitung Assabah hat berichtet, dass ein arabisch Lehrerin einen Beamten der marokkanischen Botschaft in Brüssel wegen sexueller Belästigung angeklagt hat.

Die Frau ist eine der Lehrerinnen, die vom Regime eingestellt wurde, um marokkanischen Kindern in Belgien Arabisch beizubringen.

Die Frau sagte, dass der Beamte der Botschaft, der ihr den Vertrag ausstellte, von Anfang an versucht hat, sie in eine Beziehung zu verwickeln.

Der 34-jährige verheiratete Mann und Vater von Kindern machte ständig sexuelle Bemerkungen ihr gegenüber und berührte sie mehrmals. Die Frau widersetzte sich jedoch den Annäherungen des Beamten, woraufhin er dann versucht hatte, sie zu entlassen, indem er negative Berichte über sie schrieb.

Die marokkanische Lehrerin sagte aus, dass sie das Problem beim Botschafter angesprochen hatte, in der Hoffnung, eine Lösung zu finden, aber als dieser nichts tat, ging sie vor den belgischen Gerichtshof.

Die Lehrerin sagte auch, dass ihr Vertrag besagt, dass sie nur an Schulen unterrichten würde, aber die Botschaft zwang sie auch, in einer Moschee zu unterrichten. “Ich war auch gezwungen, Hijab zu tragen, was ich nicht wollte”, sagte die Frau.

Es ist nicht das erste Mal, dass die marokkanische Botschaft in Brüssel kompromittiert wird, die Botschaft wurde bereits zuvor der Korruption beschuldigt.

Es gibt viele belgische Politiker, die enge Beziehungen zur marokkanischen Botschaft haben. Auch andere Botschaften des Regimes sind nicht ohne Skandale, so wurde der Botschafter in den USA wegen der Beteiligung am Menschenhandel angeklagt, und das Außenministerium erhielt eine Beschwerde zum marokkanischen Botschafter über sexuelle Belästigung.

Auch die marokkanische Botschaft in Italien wurde vorgeworfen, an der Ermordung des Topmodels Imane Fadel beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Die 34-jährige Marokkanerin war eine wichtige Zeugin des Sexskandals, in dem Berlusconi und die damals 17-jährige Marokkanerin Karima El Mahroug (alias Ruby) an den so genannten “bunga bunga”-Parties beteiligt waren….. Die Botschaft hat dies jedoch bestritten.


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