Spain made intensive use of German chemical weapons during the Rif independence War in the 1920s to combat the Riffian resistance. To date, the Moroccan government has refused to give any openness about its effects on health and the environment in Rif. This despite repeated questions from civil societies in Rif.
Below you can read an article by Jan Hoffenaar historian connected to the Military History Section of the Army Staff Kingdom of the Netherlands.
MOROCCO AS A TEST GARDEN FOR GERMAN GIFTGAS
Jan Hoffenaar NRC Handelsblad, 02 March 1991
By Rudibert Kunz and Rolf-Dieter Muller
239 pages, geill., Rombach and Co 1990, f 45
ISBN 3 7930 0196 2
The Geneva Protocol was solemnly signed on 17 June 1925. The (first) use of chemical and bacteriological weapons was therefore prohibited. Representatives from Spain, France and Germany also signed the agreement.
In the summer of the same year 1925, the use of combat gases against the rebellious Rifkabyls in Morocco reached a peak. Spain and France were the perpetrators.
This sensational coincidence is described by television editor Rudibert Kunz and historian Rolf-Dieter Muller in „Giftgas gegen Abd el Krim” associated with the Militargeschichtliches Forschungsamt in Freiburg. Until recently, everyone assumed that the Italian-Abyssinian war (1934-1936) was the first military conflict to be decided by gas, and the war between Iran and Iraq, which included the use of combat gases by Iraq in the summer of 1988 led to a truce, as the second case.
Kunz and Muller show conclusively in their book that the war in Morocco was the actually the first and that it served as an example to the Italians. The war against the Rifkabyls, one of the few unabashed Berber peoples, was also the first war in which poison gas bombs were dropped from the air on a large scale. In Morocco happened what everyone was so afraid of after the terrible experiences with war gases in the First World War.
The authors give us a glimpse into the chemical arms trade and manage to make it plausible how the German deliveries to Iraq (they still speak of a ‘begrundete Suspect’) and their help with the construction of a battle gas factory in Libya fit in with a long German tradition.
PROTECTORATE
Why was there a war in Morocco, how was it conducted and how was Germany involved? The northern part of the Sultanate of Morocco had been a protectorate of Spain since 1912. However, the protector, who had a number of enclaves on the North African coast for several centuries, was unable to actually control the area. Conventional weapons and a numerical predominance proved insufficient to bring the fanatical Rifkabyls to their knees in the inhospitable terrain.
The uprising was also followed with suspicion by the colonial powers. The actions of Abd el Krim, who proclaimed the islamic Rif Republic in February 1923, sparked the newly created Islamic nationalism and constituted a threat to the European colonial power position. The right of peoples to self-determination, so nicely enshrined in the fourteen points of American President Woodrow Wilson, clearly did not apply to non-white peoples.
Spain has sought and found support from the German Reichswehr’s military since 1920. They did everything they could to avoid the humiliating provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. Among other things, Germany was denied any interference in the field of war gases. Chemical weapons were to be collected and destroyed in Munsterlage-Breloh. In practice, however, they were stored as much as possible and partly sold to other countries, such as Spain, Italy, Yugoslavia, Japan, China, Turkey, Romania, Sweden and Brazil. The key figures in these transactions were Professor Fritz Haber, initiator of German battle gas production and in 1918 winner of the Nobel Prize for Chemistry, and Dr. Hugo Stoltzenberg, who was both an arms supplier and gas strategic advisor to the Reichswehr.
The Germans not only supplied various combat gases, but also made their technology available to the Spaniards. Under their leadership, poison gas plants were built in Maranosa, an hour’s drive south of Madrid, and in Melilla on the Moroccan coast. There, a non-toxic intermediate (Oxol), which was produced in spite of all bans in the Stoltzenberg chemical plant in Hamburg, was converted into the notorious mustard gas, also known as yperite, Lost and Gelbkreuz.
INTERESTS
Germany, which also participated in the construction of a poison gas plant in Russia since 1923, had different interests in military cooperation with Spain. All this offered the opportunity to keep the knowledge up to date and the chemical plant in Hamburg up and running. Moreover, the soldiers were able to learn a lot from the first aerochemical war in history through their own observation. In addition, the Germans had economic interests in Morocco. The Mannesmann brothers had built up a network of mining concessions, trading companies and agricultural companies there in the previous decades. In the French part of Morocco they had already lost their influence after 1918. In the Spanish part they hoped to keep it by a Spanish victory.
In addition, an emotional factor played a role in the German attitude. Part of the French troops occupying the Rhineland – an extremely humiliating experience for Germany – came from Morocco. A big problem was the children they had there, the Rheinlandbastarden, which were later sterilized under Hitler.
In the middle of 1924 the Spaniards, led by General Primo de Rivera, who had taken over power in Spain the previous year with the promise to resolve the Morocco crisis quickly and honorably, proceeded to a tactical retreat. That happened entirely against the wishes of Franco, who at that time was the commander of the foreign legion. After the evacuation, the air bombing started with mustard gas bombs in the areas of the insurgents.
At the end of 1924, the French joined the battle. The revolt of the Rifkabyls, which, like the Kurds, were separated by artificial borders, had also spread to the French protectorate area. The hero of the First World War, Petain, took over the supreme command there in 1925.
Although there are too few clues to precisely reconstruct the so-called ‘contamination strategy’, Kunz and Muller suspect that it consisted of two phases based on notes from Nobel Prize Stolzenberg. First villages, farmland and water sources were contaminated with mustard gas, so that the rebels no longer had any bases, and then the roads, shelters and caves were contaminated and smoked. Fire bombs were also dropped.
BLOWS AND WOUNDS
The effect of mustard gas is terrible, as the horrible images from the first Gulf War have also shown. The liquid penetrates through all clothing and after a few hours causes blisters and wounds that are very painful. The vapors cause temporary or permanent blindness and affect the respiratory organs. The Rifkabyls could not protect themselves and did not know how to combat the infection and treat the wounds. Many died as a result.
With the help of gas and airplanes, a force of half a million French and Spaniards finally managed to defeat the insurgents. Abd el Krim surrendered in May 1926 and the war was finally over in 1927.
We already knew that war gases were used in Morocco. Although we do not find any clue about gas use in the official historiography of the war, Historia de las Campanas de Marruecos, David S. Woolman, among others, makes this in Rebels in the Rif (1968) report. What we did not know, however, is that the use of gas has been so extensive and decisive for the outcome of the battle. How can that be explained? Those involved kept their mouths shut as much as possible. They also diverted attention, camouflaged the effort and bluntly denied it. Moreover, agreements about chemical cooperation were usually made verbally. Journalists were excluded from the scene of war as much as possible. The victims were not heard. A cry for help to the International Committee of the Red Cross received no follow-up because the Spanish government did not allow a mission from this organization to Spanish Morocco.
Another explanation for the unfamiliarity with the true circumstances of the war in Morocco is, of course, that the important archives in question remained closed to historians. Kunz and Muller rely primarily on German archives. Official Spanish sources remained closed to them, while Morocco did not cooperate at all. In the French archives, the authors have hardly, if at all, investigated, a strange omission.
NOTES
The authors did, however, have the notes of Dr. Stoltzenberg, who wrote down and commented on all his actions. Skillfully comparing the scarce data and the annotations with the better documented descriptions of the Italian-Abyssinian war, in which the circumstances were comparable to those in the Rif war, many things that have not yet been clarified could be understood. Nevertheless, the comment made twice that the gas deployment in the Rif was an example for the Italian campaign in Abyssinie is not further substantiated by Kunz and Muller.
Gift gas gegen Abdel Krim presses us again, also through many penetrating photographs, on the terrible facts of chemical warfare. Moreover, the book teaches us that a healthy skepticism towards compliance with international agreements, especially with regard to non-conventional means of combat, is highly desirable. Negotiations on the abolition of chemical weapons have been going on for years, but “man ist nicht weiter als 1925”, as Kunz and Muller remark gloomily.
Source: https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/1991/03/02/marokko-als-proeftuin-voor-duits-gifgas-6958918-a70860
Translation: Najat M.
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2019 was a successful diplomatic year for Arif
In December 2018, Nasser Zefzafi was one of the three finalists of the European Sakharov Prize. In the presence of Nasser Zefzafi’s parents, this was extensively discussed in the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 9, 10, 11 & 12 December 2018. The nomination of Nasser Zefzafi for the Sakharov Prize 2018 ensured, among other things, that the European institutions became familiar with the Rif case. 2019 is a year in which the European Riffians managed to have a structural presence in the highest European body, the European Parliament.
The working group behind Nasser Zefzafi’s nomination for the European Sakharov Prize organised itself into a newly established organisation: Freedom & Human Rights Organization. One of the first diplomatic successes of FHRO was the establishment of a group of friends within the European Parliament called; Friends of The Rif. This group of friends consists of MEPs from different European political groups and from different European countries. Together with FHRO they form the Friends of The Rif 2019-2024.
One of the first things the group of friends did was to send an official letter (3 April 2019) to the Minister of Justice Mohamed Aujjar in Morocco, urging the release of the Hirak prisoners. The letter was signed by 25 MEPs and one member of the European Council. Almost all Moroccan media reported on this letter, Morocco has never reacted to the letter. The group of friends also contacted Federica Mogherini, High Representative for the foreign and defence policy of the European Union, by means of an official letter signed by several MEPs, in which attention was drawn to the Hirak prisoners. The pressure on Morocco slowly started to take off.
FHRO started to contact different European institutions to increase the pressure on Morocco. A number of meetings were held with EEAS (European External Action Service). EEAS is the diplomatic organization of the European Union. It supports, for example, the High Representative for Foreign and Defence Policy in the implementation of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. On 19 February 2019, EEAS issued a warning regarding Moroccan spies in Brussels.
In February 2019 it was also announced that Nasser Zefzafi’s health was deteriorating. Miguel Urban Crespo, member of The Friends of The Rif, gave a passionate speech in the European Parliament on 13 February 2019 in which he drew attention to the health situation of Nasser Zefzafi. In the meantime, Morocco continued to isolate the Rif area. On 18 February 2019 the Dutch journalist of the NRC, Gerard van der Aa, was expelled from the Rif. On 16 March 2019 David Penefuerte Rendon was denied access to the Rif.
Meanwhile the group of friends started to get more and more structure and welcomed more and more MEPs. On 27 March 2019, the second meeting of the group of friends took place at the European Parliament in Strasbourg. The group of friends included Miguel Urban Crespo, Lola Sanchez, Ana Miranda Paz, Marie-Christine Vergiat, Bart Staes, Kathleen van Brempt, Helmut Scholz, Philippe Lamberts, Brendo Benefei, Florent Marcellesi, Kati Piri, Judith Sargentini, Anne-Marie Mineur and Bodil Valero.
The trials against the Hirak detainees ended in March 2019. FHRO had made contact with Juan Soroeta of AIODH in the weeks preceding the statements against the leaders of the Hirak prisoners. At the beginning of March 2019 agreements were made between FHRO and AIODH for international observers from AIODH to visit the Hirak trials, this took place on 6 March 2019. During this visit, the international observers spoke with the lawyers of the Hirak detainees, other international observers (ISLP) and family of the Hirak detainees. In April 2019, the leaders of the Riffian People’s Movement were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment ranging from 5 to 20 years. The indignation, anger and powerlessness was felt all over the world. Virtually all media in the world reported on these sebtences. MEPs of the group of friends strongly condemned these statements. Miguel Urban Crespo appeared on social media immediately after the convictions of the Hirak leaders to express his support and solidarity with the prisoners. In May 2019 the European elections were on the agenda, an exciting time for the group of friends. Who would come back after the elections? A number of MEPs within the group of friends had already indicated that they would not be going for another term in the European Parliament. FHRO supported the campaigns of the MEPs of the group of friends who went for re-election. FHRO organised a conference in Madrid on 12 April 2019 in cooperation with PODEMOS Spain. On 4 May 2019, FHRO organised a conference in Antwerp, together with MEPs from the European group S&D and the European group Green. At the end of May 2019, it became clear which MEPs had been re-elected.
Shortly after the European elections in May 2019, it became clear that Barts Staes, Anne Marie Mineur, Judith Sargentini, Lola Sanchez, Bodil Valero and Marie Christine Vergiat were no longer in the European Parliament and were therefore no longer part of the group of friends. FHRO used the period up to the summer holidays of 2019 to make contact with newly elected MEPs. In addition, contact was made with national politicians from the Netherlands, Spain, France, Germany and Belgium to discuss the situation of De Rif in the national parliaments of those countries. In the Netherlands, Germany and Spain questions were put to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs about the situation in the Rif.
The discussions that were held with the new MEPs began to get results. MEPs Tineke Strik, Pernando Barrena, Manuel Pineda Marin, Sira Rego, Idoia Villanueva Ruiz, Diana Riba Giner and Leila Chaibi joined the group of friends The Friends of The Rif shortly after the summer holidays. In the meantime contact was also made with Fourat ben Chikha, Belgian member of the Council of Europe.
ISLP, a group of international observers from America who had observed the trials of the Hirak prisoners in Casablanca, issued a damning report on these trials. FHRO presented and discussed this report to several MEPs in September, October and November 2019. The report will certainly be followed up in 2020.
On 10 September, the group of friends sent an official letter to David Maria Sassoli, the new President of the European Parliament. His predecessor Antonio Tajani, had expressed his support for Nasser Zefzafi and the Riffine People’s Movement. The letter asked whether the new President would continue along these lines. On 31 October 2019, President Sassoli replied to the letter. In it he stated that the European Parliament supports and supports the finalists of the Sakharov Prize. He also indicated that the new Euro-Morroccan Partnership for Shard Prosperity had been launched in June 2019. One of the structural issues on which this Partnership is based is ‘the convergence of values’ in which human rights and freedom of speech are important. He proposed that the Maghreb delegation of the European Union contact FHRO for this dossier. The President would forward the letter to this delegation and contact the head of this delegation, Mr. Cozzolino, to take up the matter. FHRO has since made initial contacts with the head of this Maghreb delegation. To be continued in 2020.
FHRO had made contact with APDHA, an NGO from Spain, before the summer holidays of 2019. This NGO was mainly concerned with the flow of refugees from North Africa. When the mass arrests in the reef area began, thousands of reefs fled to Spain. APDHA could clearly see this in the explosive increase in the number of refugees from the Reef area. FHRO, together with Rafael Lara of APDHA, drew up a manifesto, Manifesto pro el rif. This manifesto was presented to the European group GUE/NGL on 11 September 2019 at a group meeting to which APDHA and FHRO were invited. Together with APDHA, FHRO held several livestream sessions on social media for Rif refugees in which information was given on how to act upon arrival in Spain. In October 2019 it was announced that APDHA had nominated Nasser Zefzafi for the annual human rights award of this organisation.
The third meeting of The Friends of The Rif took place on 17 September 2019. This was a meeting with the assistants of the MEPs in which especially the organization of the Friends of The Rif was discussed. On 17 October 2019 the fourth meeting of The Friends of The Rif was on the agenda in the European Parliament in Brussels. During this meeting, FHRO presented various initiatives for the year 2020. 2019 was a year in which the European Reefs succeeded in having a structural presence in the highest European body. The foundations were laid for structural cooperation with MEPs to keep the topic of the Reef on the European agenda. There are several initiatives on the agenda in the coming months. Morocco will have to get moving anyway. Will Morocco choose for a solution or will they put the heels further in the sand? In any case, the group of friends will be ready for both scenarios until 2024.
A final message to the European diaspora from De Rif: Be proud of what we have achieved together in recent years. Few minority groups have conquered the streets of Europe for three years with demonstrations, sessions, meetings and demonstrations. We have been heard clearly in Europe in recent years. We have all conveyed the message loud and clear. We have to push on, push on, push on. Keep going, keep going, keep going and keep going. We are the people of Abdel Karim el Khattabi, we do not bow. It’s in our DNA. Our history was written by our ancestors, the European diaspora will make history again together with the Riffine People’s Movement.
Long live the Reef.
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Welcome back to the big prison Achour!
Achour kisses the flag of the Rif republic The Hirak Rif activist Achour EL Amraoui was released early in the morning on the 6th of September 2019. Achour, who had posted on Facebook about France’s dubious role in Moroccan politics, was arrested on the 6th of September 2017. He was accused of inciting terrorism and sentenced to two years in prison.
In a (recorded) telephone conversation with a friend, he said that he had been interrogated by the French secret service.
Achour was previously detained in the Sale prison (near Rabat), but was transferred even further away to the Taroudant prison at 1100 km from his home in the Rif, Nador which made it even harder for family and friends to visit him.
We congratulate Achour with his release from the small prison of Taroudant to the large prison called Morocco.
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“Le Maroc Noir“ – Eine Geschichte der Sklaverei, der Rasse und des Islam.
Buch von Chouki el Hamel (mit Vorwort von Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch), “Schwarzes Marokko. Eine Geschichte von Sklaverei, Rasse und Islam “(Black Morocco: Black Morocco: A History of Slavery, Race and Islam, 2013 (Cambridge University Press)
Das Werk von Shuki el Hamel ist in vielerlei Hinsicht außergewöhnlich. Erstens behandelt sie mit Gelehrsamkeit, Mut und Klarheit einen Bereich, der in Marokko und der muslimischen Welt bisher wenig Beachtung gefunden hat: die Existenz und Praxis der Sklaverei in diesen Gesellschaften, seit jeher. Zweitens, weil seine fundierte Kenntnis der arabischen Archive und Dokumente, vor allem des Korans, den er uns in einer präzisen Analyse vorlegt, seine Demonstration besonders überzeugend macht. Schließlich, weil alles in einer ständigen Befragung des Wissenschaftlers konzipiert ist, ohne dass seine wissenschaftliche Sorge die Lektüre belastet. Dieses Buch, das so genau nach Wahrheit schreit, kann auch wie ein Roman gelesen werden, die Studie ist faszinierend.
Um zum Kern des Buches zu gelangen: die erstaunliche Entscheidung des Sultans, der im 17. Jahrhundert beschloss, alle Schwarzafrikaner seines Königreichs zu versklaven oder wieder zu sklaven, suchte der Autor alle Faktoren und stellte die Episode in den Fluss der alten Geschichte und in den unmittelbaren Kontext.
Dies führt uns zu einem ersten aufschlussreichen Kapitel, in dem er den Begriff der Sklaverei hinterfragt, sowohl in der Weltgeschichte als auch in der Geschichte Marokkos. Unter anderem ist es eine Gelegenheit, einen alltäglichen Begriff abzulehnen, der in den Köpfen vieler Menschen noch verweilt: die Idee der “weichen” häuslichen Sklaverei im Gegensatz zur Sklaverei des kommerzialisierten Handels. Sklaverei bedeutet Gewalt, da diese Gefangenschaft durch Krieg, durch Entführung, durch jede Form von körperlicher Gewalt ausgeübt wird, die den Einzelnen aus seiner Gesellschaft herausnimmt und ihn in der ihn aufnehmenden Gesellschaft definitionsgemäß minderwertig behandelt.
In einem zweiten Kapitel demontiert der Autor einen Mechanismus, der von anderen Spezialisten auf diesem Gebiet unzureichend erklärt wurde: die ursprüngliche Interaktion zwischen Sklaverei und der Entstehung von Vorurteilen aufgrund von Rasse und Hautfarbe. Tatsächlich wurde diese offensichtliche Beziehung nicht immer betont: Schon weil Sklaverei durch Blutbindungen übertragen wird (von der Mutter im Allgemeinen, vom Vater im Islam, durch den Bruch mit den Vorfahren der Abstammung in Subsahara-Afrika, kurz: durch Genealogie), beinhaltet Sklaverei rassistische Ideen. Der Autor zeigt auch in einem wissenschaftlichen Kapitel, das auf der Analyse der Suras basiert, die an die Sklaverei erinnern, dass der Koran zwar offen für mehrere Interpretationen ist, aber die Existenz der Sklaverei vor dem Islam und die Notwendigkeit, sie zu beenden, nahelegt. Aber da die Sklaverei in allen alten Gesellschaften das bevorzugte Instrument der Staatsmacht war, vernachlässigten die großen Eroberer des Islam diesen Aspekt schnell. Die Sklaven gehörten zu den Besiegten. Das Einzige, was wahrscheinlich in Marokko blieb, war die Tatsache, dass ein Kind, das von einer versklavten Konkubinen geboren wurde, als frei anerkannt wurde, wenn sein Vater auch frei war.
Das dritte Kapitel, das ebenso wichtig ist, geht auf die Geschichte der schwarzen indigenen Präsenz in Marokko zurück, von ihren Ursprüngen und den Gründen für das, was sie “Diaspora” nennt. Die Ḥaraṭin, die seit jeher als Sklaven gelten, kamen nicht nur aus dem subsaharischen Afrika, sondern jedenfalls seit der Antike aus dem Draatal, wo sie den erobernden Arabern vorausgegangen wären. Einige dienten als Soldaten, auch bei der Eroberung Spaniens (Iberien). Sie dienten sowohl den Almohaden als auch den Almoraviden. Die Vielfalt der marokkanischen Schwarzen resultiert in der Tat aus der unaufhörlichen Verflechtung der Geschichte der Eroberungen und des Handels zwischen dem Norden und dem Süden der Sahara, die sich zur Zeit der großen Goldreiche des Westsudans, die bald in Kontakt mit dem Mittelmeerraum und dem Atlantik standen, vermehrte. So waren die Ereignisse in Marokko in ihrem Verhältnis zur Dynamik des atlantischen Handels entscheidend für die Gestaltung der Zukunft einer globalisierten atlantischen Welt. Die Vielfalt der Völker der atlantischen Regionen und der Sahara-Grenzen bildete eine kosmopolitische Welt, geschmiedet im Schmelztiegel von Kulturaustausch, Rassenhybridisierung und politischen Allianzen, aber auch von Gewalt, Versklavung, Kolonisierung und Krieg.
Dies bringt uns zu der wesentlichen historischen Episode, die das Herzstück des Buches bildet. Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts initiierte der Alawid Sultan Moulay Isma’il (r. 1672-1727) eine Kampagne zur Versklavung aller Schwarzen, Muslime und Nicht-Muslime mit dem Ziel, eine königliche Armee nach dem Vorbild der Janitscharen zu schaffen. Es sei darauf hingewiesen, dass zur Zeit von Moulay Isma’il, auf der anderen Seite des Atlantiks, der anti-schwarze Rassismus zunahm, als sich die Zuckersklavenplantagen der neuen Welt erweiterten. Die tragischen Ereignisse um die Versklavung der freien schwarzen Marokkaner waren kein Zufallsprodukt, sondern das Ergebnis eines rassistischen, farbcodierten Verhaltens im Zusammenhang mit der zentrierten arabisch-berberischen Diskriminierung. Dieser Rassismus spielte eine wichtige Rolle bei der Entscheidung, alle Schwarzen in Marokko zu versklaven, einschließlich der freien schwarzen Muslime, und wurde von vielen Ulema unterstützt, um diese Sklaverei der freien Schwarzen zu legitimieren und die Opposition zu diesem Projekt zu untergraben. Sie hat auch eine wichtige Rolle bei der Intensivierung des Sklavenhandels zwischen dem Süden und dem Norden der Sahara gespielt, der seinen Höhepunkt im 19. Jahrhundert, zur Zeit der großen westafrikanischen Dschihaden, erreichen wird.
Die Rechtfertigung für diese Versklavungsoperation lag auch in vorislamischen Vorurteilen, die auch angesichts der im Koran enthaltenen ausdrücklichen Verbote der Versklavung von Muslimen nicht verschwunden waren. Die Farbe der Haut wurde wieder zum Kriterium für diejenigen, die im Dienste des Sultans Sklaven waren. Diese Entstehung einer rassistischen Ideologie der Sklaverei war das Ergebnis einer tief verwurzelten kulturellen Diskriminierung und war das Instrument eines Spiels der Machtverhältnisse. Letztendlich war es ein farbcodierter religiöser Rassismus: Moulay Isma’ begründete er seine Legitimation der Inhaftierung von Schwarzen in der Sklaverei, obwohl er wusste, dass sie islamisiert, assimiliert und in die dominante Kultur integriert waren, mit ihrem angeblichen ursprünglichen Status als Sklaven und ihrer heidnischen Vergangenheit. Das Projekt des Sultans konzentrierte sich eher auf die Genealogie der Schwarzen als auf ihren aktuellen religiösen Status, was ihre Zugehörigkeit zu einer festen Rasse und damit ihren Platz in der marokkanischen Gesellschaft impliziert.
Auf diese Weise können wir sehen, dass das Buch ein Problem darstellt, das über diese Episode hinausgeht, obwohl es mit größter Präzision analysiert wird. Ich lasse Sie die Perspektiven dieses großartigen Werkes entdecken, das die Bedeutung aller Hinterlassenschaften der Geschichte noch in der heutigen Welt zeigt.
